Controlling the ULFA hazard turned into a problem for the AGP government as the pioneers of AASU-AGP and ULFA

history channel documentary science Controlling the ULFA hazard turned into a problem for the AGP government as the pioneers of AASU-AGP and ULFA were the same part of individuals, conceived from the same coliseum. "The critical portrayal of the same arrangement of individuals as ASSU in the morning, Government (AGP) at late morning and ULFA around evening time can't be just giggled away" (M. Kar, Muslims in Assam Politics - 1946-1991, page 421; cited in R. Upadhyay, ULFA - A Deviated Movement?) Taking this point of interest, ULFA nearly ran a parallel government in Assam, leading trials of individuals and coercing them for blackmailing cash. The AGP government had additionally urged ULFA exercises to some degree to keep alive their fierce legislative issues and weight over the Central Government. "The thinking behind the unwillingness with respect to the AGP administration to stand up to the ULFA lies in its enthusiasm to keep the terrorists effectively alive to hold its against focus influence" (Ibid. page 425). Then again, ULFA's prominence and impact picked up an awesome ascent from the rising thwarted expectation among the Assamese individuals against the AGP administration.

As opposed to its unique ideological position of a progressive political association and dumping its 'social-change' exercises, the ULFA authority has done a complete volte-face when they changed the outfit into a simply terrorist outfit. Later on, ULFA built up contacts with Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) of Pakistan, Defense Forces Intelligence (DFI) of Bangladesh, the Afghan Mujahedeen and other terrorist-radical gatherings of North-East and carried out a progression of frightful wrongdoings to make dread in the State. Since 1989, ULFA Chief of Staff Paresh Barua, be that as it may, has prevented the charged connection from claiming ULFA with ISI as a 'terrible trick of New Delhi'.

ULFA keeps on being dynamic yet has lost its believability, all things considered, because of its association in the thoughtless savagery, slaughtering of customary individuals and lumpenization of its units. On January 2007, suspected ULFA radicals slaughtered no less than 62 Hindi-speaking Bihari day by day workers, laborers of block furnace, insignificant merchants and roadside sellers in Dibrugarh, Tinsukia and Sibsagar regions of Upper Assam. Its well known backing has lessened however not completely eradicated. There is still a hidden sensitivity about ULFA in the more prominent Assamese society, particularly among the underprivileged, working class and intellectual elite. "A segment of the scholarly people, in any case, utilizes the radical impact as an alternate way to secure individual destinations and popularity. It is not an uncommon special case in Assam to locate a regarded scholarly supporting the extremist cause, obviously from a sheltered separation and deliberately adjusting established limitations and progressive jibber jabber. Numerous among the more calm savvy people in Assam want to keep up a purposeful quiet on the issue." (Sunil Nath, Assam: The Secessionist Insurgency and the Freedom of Minds) This sensitivity among its home-populace is ULFA's key quality.